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Poland’s 100 regulatory add-ons sharpen EU simplification debate

A Polish review and economic freedom rankings highlight how national implementation can shape business conditions across Europe, Emerging Europe reports.

Priya Raman

By Priya Raman, South Asia Correspondent · London
26 October 2026 · Reported from Emerging Europe

Compliance staff reviewing folders and paperwork around a meeting table in a Warsaw office.
Compliance staff reviewing folders and paperwork around a meeting table in a Warsaw office.

Timeline

  1. 2004–2008 — Georgia removed more than 80 per cent of licences and permits during Kakha Bendukidze’s ministerial tenure.
  2. 2014 — Georgia’s EU association agreement began applying provisionally, including its deep and comprehensive free-trade area.
  3. 1 January 2019 — Poland introduced tax-arrangement reporting requirements ahead of the EU’s DAC6 reporting timetable.
  4. 2021 — Armenia’s narrower agreement with the EU entered into force.
  5. February 2025 — InPost founder Rafał Brzoska launched SprawdzaMY at Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s invitation.
  6. May 2025 — DZP’s review listed 100 cases of additional requirements or excessive regulation in Polish implementation of EU law.
  7. End of November 2025 — Poland had 21 single-market directives overdue for transposition, according to the Commission’s scoreboard.
  8. End of 2025 — Eleven laws based on SprawdzaMY proposals had been passed and signed.

Poland’s regulatory review identifies 100 cases of extra requirements

Poland’s implementation of European Union legislation has produced 100 examples of additional national requirements or excessive regulation, according to a legal review reported by Emerging Europe. The findings span banking, telecommunications, transport and public procurement, highlighting a practical issue for businesses entering European markets: EU-level requirements are not necessarily the full compliance burden.

The review comes alongside a weak result for Poland in the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World report. Using 2024 data, the index places Poland 65th among 165 countries and territories, below every other EU member. Georgia ranks 26th and Armenia 38th, outperforming many of the bloc’s formerly communist economies despite remaining outside the Union, Emerging Europe reports.

Poland also faces a separate implementation problem: delays and errors in incorporating European legislation. The European Commission’s Single Market Scoreboard recorded 21 overdue single-market directives at the end of November 2025. Poland was among nine member states with substantial shortcomings both in meeting deadlines and in correctly translating EU requirements into domestic law.

There are signs of movement on deregulation. Emerging Europe cites Grant Thornton figures showing that Poland produced 12,400 pages of new legislation in 2025, down 12 per cent from 2024 and the lowest total for 19 years. By the end of 2025, 11 laws originating in proposals from the country’s SprawdzaMY deregulation initiative had been passed and signed.

National implementation creates different business environments

SprawdzaMY began in February 2025, when InPost founder Rafał Brzoska took up an invitation from Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk to lead a deregulation effort. Lawyers at DZP prepared the initiative’s review, published in May 2025. According to Emerging Europe, the cases involved Polish lawmakers extending legislation’s reach, imposing stricter conditions or introducing obligations beyond those needed to implement EU law.

Tax reporting provides a concrete example. The EU’s DAC6 directive requires intermediaries, and sometimes taxpayers, to disclose potentially aggressive cross-border tax arrangements, with reporting due from July 2020. Poland introduced its requirements on 1 January 2019 and included domestic arrangements. Emerging Europe reports that penalties could reach tens of millions of złoty. An amendment published in June subsequently ended the domestic reporting obligation on 1 October.

The practice of adding national obligations, commonly called gold-plating, extends beyond Central Europe. During a summer consultation by the Commission, the German Chamber of Commerce and Industry submitted 20 examples. These included requirements concerning data-protection officers and packaging declarations, according to Emerging Europe.

Regional comparisons also undermine the idea that a shared political history determines today’s business environment. Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia rank 15th, 22nd and 29th respectively in Fraser’s overall index. All three were Soviet republics. Czechia stands 23rd, while Slovakia ranks 43rd, Hungary 49th, Romania 51st, Bulgaria and Slovenia jointly 54th, and Croatia 64th.

The regulation component of Fraser’s assessment produces a different picture from the overall table. It covers credit markets, employment rules and business regulation. Georgia ranks 19th, ahead of Germany in 23rd place; Poland is 58th. Armenia, despite its stronger overall position than Poland, ranks 101st on regulation. These differences matter when using a broad index to assess a particular operating requirement.

Georgia’s position follows substantial domestic reform. Under Kakha Bendukidze, who held economic and reform-coordination ministerial roles between 2004 and 2008, the country removed more than 80 per cent of its licences and permits. Its EU association agreement, including a deep and comprehensive free-trade area, began applying provisionally in 2014. Emerging Europe notes that extensive subsequent alignment with European economic legislation has coincided with Georgia remaining among Fraser’s top 30 economies.

The rankings nevertheless depend on methodology. Emerging Europe reports that the Heritage Foundation’s 2026 index also places Georgia above Poland, but puts Armenia slightly below it. For market-entry teams, the distinction cautions against treating any single economic freedom score as a substitute for examining sector-specific obligations.

Commission and Polish lawyers press for accountable rulemaking

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has proposed an agreement under which governments would disclose and explain requirements they add when implementing EU legislation. Emerging Europe reports that she introduced the proposal in her 16 September State of the Union address and followed it with a letter to EU leaders on 12 October. Her stated objective was to prevent national implementation from making European rules more complicated.

The proposed agreement would also establish a route for reviewing and removing national measures that hinder the single market through the European Semester, the EU’s economic policy coordination process. Von der Leyen asked leaders to begin work at their 15–16 October summit, with a declaration intended for signature before year-end, according to Emerging Europe.

EU leaders’ response stopped short of explicitly endorsing that agreement. The summit conclusions requested further Commission initiatives to curb additional national requirements but did not mention the proposed pact. The distinction leaves the specific disclosure and review mechanism without an explicit endorsement in those conclusions.

The DZP lawyers recommended removing additions that lack justification and detecting new ones before legislation is approved. Emerging Europe identifies Slovakia as an existing example of this approach: bills implementing EU directives must include a comparison table that identifies and explains requirements going beyond the European measure. That makes national choices visible during lawmaking rather than leaving businesses to discover them afterwards.

EU rule changes and accession decisions shape the next steps

The Commission is also pursuing changes to its own legislation. According to Emerging Europe, it has proposed a dozen omnibus simplification packages and intends, where legally possible, to favour exhaustive, directly applicable regulations over directives for single-market matters. This could reduce national discretion in drafting legislation, although domestic authorities would retain responsibilities for permits, inspections and administrative procedures.

For Georgia, further integration is constrained by politics rather than an imminent accession timetable. The EU regards the membership process as effectively suspended, and the government in Tbilisi has said it will not seek the opening of negotiations before 2028. Businesses assessing Georgia therefore need to distinguish its existing EU trade arrangements from the uncertain prospect of membership.

Armenia has a different starting point. Its EU agreement, effective since 2021, does not include a free-trade area equivalent to Georgia’s. Emerging Europe reports that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in August that Armenia would soon start the membership application process. He has also acknowledged that Armenia cannot retain membership of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union while becoming an EU member.

For UK-based and other international companies expanding into Europe, the practical implication is to budget for country-specific implementation work alongside EU compliance. Tax reporting, licensing and procurement conditions warrant separate checks before launch. The issue sits alongside the administrative challenges covered in Market Entry Wire’s reporting on customs readiness for EU carbon border rules: regulatory planning must account for the procedures a business will actually encounter, not just the legislation’s stated scope.

Frequently asked questions

What does gold-plating mean in EU regulation?
Gold-plating means adding national requirements when implementing EU legislation. Emerging Europe reports that these additions can widen a law’s scope or impose stricter obligations than the European measure requires.
What did Poland’s deregulation review find?
The DZP review, published in May 2025 for SprawdzaMY, identified 100 examples of additional requirements or excessive regulation across sectors including banking, procurement, telecommunications and transport.
Who launched Poland’s SprawdzaMY initiative?
InPost founder Rafał Brzoska launched SprawdzaMY in February 2025 at the invitation of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, according to Emerging Europe.
Where does Poland rank for economic freedom?
Poland ranks 65th among 165 countries and territories in the Fraser Institute report using 2024 data. That is the lowest overall position among the EU’s 27 members.
How do Georgia and Armenia compare with Poland?
Fraser ranks Georgia 26th and Armenia 38th overall, ahead of Poland in 65th place. On regulation specifically, Georgia ranks 19th, Poland 58th and Armenia 101st.
What is Ursula von der Leyen proposing on extra national rules?
Her proposed agreement would require governments to disclose and justify additions to EU legislation. A review process through the European Semester would target national measures obstructing the single market.
When could Georgia open EU membership negotiations?
Georgia’s government has said it will not seek to open negotiations before 2028. Emerging Europe reports that the EU considers the accession process effectively suspended.
Can Armenia belong to both the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union?
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has acknowledged that Armenia cannot be a member of both. Armenia currently belongs to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union.

Why this matters

For UK-based businesses entering Europe, a common EU framework does not remove the need for national compliance planning. Poland’s review shows how domestic implementation can affect tax reporting, procurement and regulated services. Expansion teams can use that distinction to test launch budgets, identify local advice needs and examine administrative requirements before committing resources. The proposed transparency measures offer a potential improvement: clearer explanations of national additions would help companies distinguish European obligations from domestic policy choices.

Source

Original reporting by Emerging Europe. This report was written independently for Market Entry Wire.

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